तुलसीलाल अमात्यया लुमन्तिइ हिरादेवी
भाजु धर्मरत्न यमि व वय्क या यज्जु मय्जु हिरादेवीलिसे जिगु हा्रपांगु परिचयात्मक खँहाबहा येँया हनुमानध्वाखाया प्रहरी थानाय् जूगु खः । वय्कःपि येँ पाखे गिरफतार जुयाः अन थ्यंकःः झाःपि खःसा जिमित यसपाखे गिरफतार याना यंकातःगु खः १९४७ अग्रष्ट १५ या ह् िकुन्हु ।
उकुन्हु गुकुन्ह कि जिमित ज्वंगु खः भारत अंग्रेज साम्राज्यवादया हाःतं मुतm जुगु ख । अंग्रेजतय् पंजा भारत मुतm जुगु वास्तवय् झीगु निति नं अतिंक महत्वपूर्णगु खँ खः । अथे ला विश्वया गुगुँ नं देशय् वइगु हिउपासं लिक्क लिक्क च्वपि मेगु देशय् उकिया लिच्व लाइगु स्वाभाविक नं खः नापँ लानाच्वगुं नं दु । थुकिया हे छःगु जीवन्त दसु खः राणाशाहीया व्यवहारय् वःगु परिर्वतन ।
१९९७ सालय् गीता प्रवचन व्यूगु द्धपनय् राणातय्सं भाजु शुक्र्राज शास्त्रीयात फाँसी विल । शास्त्रीजु नागरिक अधिकार समिति स्वनादीगु खः अले नागरिक अधिकारया निति सः तयादीगः खः । थुकिया झोलय् वास्तवय् वय्कलं राणातय् विरोधय् गुगुं नारा थ्वयेकादीगु मखु ।फयां फत्रले ला राणात तःलय्हे लायेका धैगु वयकःया कुतः जुयाच्वगु खः । तर अथे ख साँ वय्क यात फाँसी बीगु यानां तुं स्व तल ।
२००४ साल बैशाख स्वनिगः दुनेया स्वंगुलि शहरय् रााणाशाही मुर्दावाद नागरिक अधिकार कयांत्वःते धैगु नारा वियाः त्याय्हतम् भव्य जुलुस पिदन । तर रााणशाही उमित हानं फासी वीगु ज्या यायेमफुत केवल हय्म्ह कुनाः खुख्यक त्वःता छ्वल ।
छगू न्हासः छाय् ?छु थ्व रााणाशाहीया व्यवहार्य वःगु फरक वास्तवय् नुगः हे परिवर्तन जुयाः वःगु फरक खःला ? अहँ मखु १९९७ सालय् भारतय् अंग्रेज साम्राज्यावाद याहे राज तिनि २००४ साल वैशाख तक भारतयात स्वतन्त्रता बीगु निति जवाहरलाल नेहरु नापँ दुगु छगु अन्तरिम सरकार लिहाँ वनेत्यंगु ई । भारतय् वःगु थुगु हे राजनीतिक हिउपालं यानाः जक राणाशाही मुर्दावाद धकाः जुलुस पिकाःपिन्त फाँसी बीमफुगु खः ।
ऋथे हे १९१७ या अक्टोवर महिनाय् रुसय् समाजवादी क्रान्ति जुल थुकिया लिच्व ः नं भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता संग्रामउा ज्याझोलय लाःगु हे दु । अथे हे याना छगु देया गुगु धटनां मेगु देशय् लिच्वः लाका हे च्वँगु दइ ।
थै थुगु खँयात प्रतिकृयावादी शतिmतयसं अःखतं चाःहिकेत सफल जुगु दु । उमिसं विश्वया समाजवादी आन्दोलन व समाजवादी देतय्गु विरोध यायेगुया नापं भारतया प्रजातन्त्रिक शतिmया विरोधय् गुलिखे थःत वामपन्थी धाइपिसं नं थौ सोभियत सङ्घ विरोध व भारत विरोधी अभियानय् दनाबीगु हे थःगु क्रान्तिकारीया दसु व्वयेगु खः धैये थुइकाच्वंग दु । उकि थथे यानाः वास्तवय् उमिसं साम्राज्यवादी खेया यात जक ग्वहालि जुइ कथंया ज्या यानाच्वंगु दु ।
तर २००४ सालपाखे अझ व सिवें नं न्हावयापिन्स १९९३ सालय् भाजु शुक्रराज शास्त्री राजनीति शुरु याः वले नं विश्वया गुगूं नं देशय् जुइगु समाजवादी आन्दोलन व प्रजातान्त्रीक आन्दोलनयात थः पिनिगु हे आन्दोलनत् थे ताय्काव्युगु खः नं गुंगु देया राजनीतिइ आन्देोलन केवल उगु हे देया राजनीतिक आन्दोलन जक मजुसे उकि विश्वया हे राजनीतिक आन्दोलनयात नं प्रत्यक्ष वा अप्रत्यक्ष रुपं प्रभावित यानाच्वगु दइ ।
धर्मरत्न यमि जु नं थुज्वःगु हे विचाः तइपि मध्ये छह खः धैगु खँ २००४ सालय् भारत स्वतन्त्र
जूबले वय्कलं क्यनादीगु असीम लय्तालं स्पष्ट यानाबिल ।
ेजिमि वास्तवय् भारत स्वतन्त्र जुइ धुंकाः जक लय्तायागु मखु । भारत स्वतन्त्र जुइमाः धैगु भावना जिमिके हापांनिर्से हे दुगु खः । शुक्रराज शास्त्रीजँुया मआत्मा गान्धी व सुभाषचन्द्र बोसलिसे थ.गु राजनीतिक जीवनया शुरु निसे हे अर्थात १९९३ सालपाखे हे स्वापू तयादी धुंकूगु खः । गुलिखे नेपालीत भारतीय राष्टिय काँग्रेसया चवन्री सदस्य जुयाच्वंपि नं दु । विश्वेश्वरजु लगायक मेपि गुलिस्यां ला भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलनय् व्वति नं काःगु खः । जि मचावले नं सन् १९३६ पाखे कलकत्रावनावले अन पिंहा वइगु जुलुसय् व्वति कायेत तसकं आतुर जुइगु याना । सन् १९४९ य् लखनउ विश्व विद्यालयया विद्यार्थी जुयाच्वनाबले उबले जूगु अंग्रेज सामा्रज्यवाद विरोधी भारत छोड धैगु आन्दोलनय् जि सरिक नं जुया । उगु सालया अगष्ट ९ कुन्हुया जुलुसं मन्की ब्रीज – गोमति खुसिया च्वय् दयेका तःगु लखनउ विश्वविद्यालयया लागाँ पिनेच्वंगु ताँ ) य् धर्ना व्यूवले धर्नाव्येूपि मध्ये दक्कले न्हाःने च्वंगु झोलय् जि नं च्वनावियागु खः । थ्व झोलय् विश्वविद्यालयया विद्यार्थी पासापिंपाखे जुइगु गूगुं नं कथंया कारवाहीलय् जि थम्हं नं व्वति कायेगु यानाहया ।
थुकथं भारत स्वतन्त्र जुइधुंकाः जक जिमिसं थःगु लसता प्वंकागु मखु भारतया स्वतन्त्रताया निति जूगु आन्दोलनय् व्वति कायेगु तकं जिमिसं थःपिनिगु छगु कर्तव्य हे भाः पियागु खः ।
भारत स्वतन्त्र जूगु हिया लसता प्वंकागु इलय् हे जिगु व धर्मरत्न यमि जु वय्कःया दुरुत्वंह म्हाय् धर्मदेवी नाप येँ या प्रहरी थानाय् थुनुवा या रुपय् हपांगु नापलायेगु ज्या जूगु खः ।
छुं ह् िलिपा यलं ज्वनाहःपि २५ ह मध्ये १२ म्हेसित त्वःताछ्वल सा थुखे येँ नं ज्वनाहःपि मध्ये मय्जु हिरादेवी व मचा धर्मदेवीयात नं त्वःताछ्वल । उगु इलय् जिमित कुनातःगु प्रहरी थानाया चुक गुली फोहर कि गन लात अन हे खि नं फाइगु च्व नं फाइगु । जिपि फुक्कं मिलेजुयाः ह्इि निक्वः निक्वः चुक सफा यायेगु याना । थुकथं हे जिपि प्यला तक येँ या उगु प्रहरी थानाय् च्वना ।
प्यला लिपा जिमित भद्रगोल जेलय् सारे यात । थानाय् च्वनावले जिपि सर्दि यानाः फुले जुयाच्वगु जेलय् वनेधुंका बुलुहुँ ह सुके जुया च्वन । नापं थानाय् थे ह्च्छिि ह्च्छिि फोहर सफा यानाच्वने माःगु झन्झट मुक्त जुल ।
धर्मरत्न यमि जुलिसे येँ नं ज्वना ह्यातःपि कृष्णगोपाल लेपिटनेण्ट व द्धारिकादासजुपि ( जुजुभाइ दाइ ) नं दी भद्रगोलजेल दुने वय्कः पि स्वम्हेसिया छप्वाः भुतू जुल । भद्रगोल जेलय् हःगुया २ महिना लिपा पद्य शमशेर थः नेपाल त्व ताः राँची वने त्यंगुलि जिमित रिहा याना यकल । जिमित रिहा यायेगु खँ जुवले तुल्सीमेहरजु नं नापं दुगुलि थुकिया महात्मा गान्धीया दवाब नं लाःगु दु धायेमाः ।
अनं लिपा ताः इतकं हे जिगु व यमि जुया दथुइ स्वापू मन्त । थ्व हे झोलय् २००५ साल पाखे पच्चायती आन्दोलन संच्चलनमा लागि यलपाखें जि व्वति कया सा येँ पाखे यमि जुं व्वति कयादिल । थूगु संर्धष न्हःने न्हाने न्हाये मफुबले वय्कः नं नेपाः त्व ता भारत वयादिल जितः थ्व सिवे हापा हे पासापिन्स भारत छ्वयातये धुंकूगु खः । येँया छुं पासापिन्स जित सुर्बण शम्शेरया नेपाल प्रजातन्त्र काग्रेश य् हँु धकाः भारत छ्वःगु खः । जि रक्सौल थ्यन मेखे लिक्कसं विस्तार कोइराला या नेतृत्वय् चले जुया च्वंगु नेपाली राष्टिय कांग्ेस दु थुकिया रननितिया इन्र्चाज गणेशमानजु जुयाच्वना दीगु खः । नेपाली राष्टिय काँग्रेसया अफिस फरफर व्यायाच्वंगु ध्वाँय् सहितया सिमेन्तया छेँय् दुने तया तःगु खः । जि खना नेपाल प्रजातन्त्र काँग्रेस याके त्याग या भावना दु । उकि येँया च्वपिं पासापिंस धयाहःगु खँयात वास्ता मयासे जि नेपाल प्रजातन्त्र काँग्रेस या अफिस दुंने दुँहाँ वना । अले छुं ह् िलिपास उगु हे पार्टीया दुज्वः नं जुया । लिपा येँय्च्वपि पासापिं वःबले जि रक्सौल थ्यंकाः नेपाल प्रजातन्त्र काँग्रेस य् मवंसे नेपाली राष्टिय काँग्रेसय् वन धकाः जिलिसे ल्वापु याः वल।
तुल्सिलालया लुमन्ति हिरादेवी २
धर्मरत्न यमि जु भारत थ्यसे शुंकाः गुगु पार्टीइ भर्ना जुयादिल वा जुयामदी व ला जि मसिल । प्यला रक्सौल व भारतया मेमेगु थासय् च्वनेधुंकाः जितः नेपाली राष्टिय कांग्रेसपाखें येँय् संगठनयायेत खतम् याना हल । जिसिले मेह छह पासा नं दु । मुक्कं प्यतका दाँ ज्वनाः जिपि रक्सौल वयागु खः । कालिमाटी थ्यय्ले लँय् हे छगु तच्वु वा फय् वल । जिमि बसं कुहाँ वयाः छगु चिकिचाधंगु झोपडी दुने दुहाँ वना अले चच्छि अन हे बितेयानाः जिमि कहय् सुथ हापां थःगु लँ लिनाः वया । येँय् थ्यंबले दक्कले हापां लँय्सं लाःगुलि मरुइ च्वंह द्धारिकादास या पसलय् दुस्वः वना । जुजुदाइनं जितः पासा धर्मरत्न यमि या छेँय् यंका तयेयंकल । यमि जु उबले भारतय् तँु तिनि । छेँय् वय्कःया जहान हिरादेवी व चिचीधीपि मस्त जक दु । उगु छेँय् भूमिगत जुयाः च्वनेमाःगु उलि अवधिया दुने जि हिरादेवीजुयात बांलाक हासीहे खन। व्य्कः यात जि छम्ह अत्यन्त हिम्मती व प्रजातन्त्रमा निति अर्पित वी्र मिसाया रुपय् खना । छेँय् थःगु हे ला आर्थिक संकट उकिसनं जितःनं लहिना तयेमाःगु । गनं गनं निसे कयाहयाःसा वय्कसं जिगु निति खाना दयेकेगु याना च्वनादिल । उगु इलय् येँ या आपालं धैथे छेँय् चःविया व्यवस्था मदु
दुसां नं छेँय् पिने क्यवय् हे दीसा पिसाद यायेमाः । राणाया इलय् दन्नच्वंगु छेँंय् नं पिहाँ वयेगु तंसकं जोखिमपूर्ण । थ्व हे कारणं यानाः ख्वाः सिलेगु निसे कयाः च्व खि फायेगु तकं छेँय् दुने हे कोप्राय् यायेमाः । उगु इलय् भूमिगत च्वनेगुया अर्थ खालि छेँय् सुलाः च्वनेगु जक मखु । धरपतिया निति ग्यानापूगु ज्याया नाप छगु तच्वकं झन्झटया ज्या नं खः । थुज्वःगु ज्या ला झर्को मचासें सुं नं मिसां शायद थःपिनि हे चिचीधीपी मस्तय् निति जक याइ जुइ ....कोप्रा बांछ्वयेगु सिलेगु हिइगु आदि ज्या .... खय्त ला जि लिपा हांन मेनेपितिगु छेँय् नं भूमिगत जुयाः च्वना । तर गुगु सहदयतां ज्याःगु व्यवहार वय्कः पाखें कायेखन व तसंक उच्चस्तरया जूगु खना गुलिखय् थासय् ला सुथय् दनेवं छकु कोथाय् दुहाँ वन कि चाह्य् ख्युँसे मच्वंतले अन हे का च्व फायेगु न बन्द खि फायेगु नं बन्द । तर हिरादेवीजुंं धा.सा प्रजातन्त्र प्रतिया दृढ आस्थां यानाः राणातय् पाखेँ जुइफइगु फुक्क आतङ्क व आपतया वास्ता मयासें उकथंया ज्या छह मामं थः काय्म्हाय्पिन्त याइ थे दिक्क मचासें यानादिल । उकि जि वय्कः प्रति तसकं ऋणी जुयाच्वना गुगुऋण जि गब्लें पुलां पुलेफढ ख्वाः मवः । उकि जि वय्कः यात पासा भाजु धर्मरत्न यमि या जहानया रुपय् जक मखु प्रजातन्त्र प्रति दृढ आस्था दुह थःगु हे कथंया व्यतिmत्वं जा ह छंह निडर अले उतिकं सरल स्वभाव व निष्कपट स्वच्छ नुगः दुह तता अझ उमेरय् तक्व अन्तर मदुसां छह मायां रुपय् हे स्वय्त करं क्यं । वय्क ः प्रति जिगु हनेवह ह तताया नांप मायां भावना सदाँ दयाच्वनी । जि वय्कःयाके छह निस्वार्थ देशभतm व वीर मायां गुण खनागु दु ।
वय्कलं जितः यानादीगु ग्वहालि छगु व्यतिmगत ग्वहालि जक मखसें प्रजातन्त्र प्रतिया भावना प्रेरित जुया च्वंगु ग्वाहालि खः धैगु जि तायेकागु दु । अले जिगु थासय् मेह हे सुं मनू लाःगु जूसां वय्कःया निस्वार्थ ग्वहालि उतिकं हे दयाच्वनी । जि बाहेक मेपिन्त नं वय्कलं लज्वःगु हे ग्वहालि यानादीगु दयेमा । थ्वहे कारणं जि वय्कःयात जिगु पाखें जक मानेयाये बहःह वीर मिसा कथं मखु की प्रजातन्त्रप्रेमी फुकस्यां हे माने यायेमाःह छह वीर व वीर मायां रुपय् लुमंकागु दु ।
Translated by Gemini
My initial meeting with Dharmaratna Yami and his wife, Hiradevi, was at the police station in Hanumandhoka, Kathmandu. They had been arrested in Kathmandu and brought there, while I was brought there after being arrested in Patan on August 15, 1947.
On the day I was arrested, India gained its independence from the British Empire. India's freedom from the clutches of the British was also a hugely significant event for us. It's only natural for a revolution in one country to influence its neighbors. A living example of this was the shift in the Rana regime's behavior.
In 1940, the Ranas had hanged Shukraraj Shastri for his Gita sermons. Shastri had formed the Citizens' Rights Committee and advocated for civil liberties. He had never actually raised any slogans against the Ranas. On the contrary, he had tried to appease them as much as possible, but they still executed him.
In April 1947, large public demonstrations erupted in the three cities of the Kathmandu Valley with slogans like "Down with the Ranas!" and "We want civil rights!" However, the Ranas didn't dare to hang the protesters. They simply imprisoned them for a few months and then released them.
Why the change? Was it because the Ranas had a change of heart? No. In 1940, the British Empire still ruled India. But by April 1947, an interim government led by Jawaharlal Nehru was preparing to grant India independence. It was this political shift in India that prevented the Ranas from hanging the protesters.
Similarly, the socialist revolution in Russia in October 1917 influenced India's struggle for independence. One country's events will always have an impact on another.
Unfortunately, some reactionary forces have successfully twisted this truth. They not only oppose the global socialist movement and socialist nations but also oppose democratic forces in India. Many who call themselves leftists now see their anti-Soviet Union and anti-India campaigns as a sign of their revolutionary spirit, which ultimately only helps the imperialists.
But back in 1940, and even before, when Shukraraj Shastri began his political journey, people considered socialist and democratic movements happening anywhere in the world as their own. This shows that a political movement in one country is not an isolated event; it directly or indirectly influences political movements worldwide.
Dharmaratna Yami was one of those who held this view, a fact made clear by the immense joy he showed when India gained its independence in 1947.
Our happiness wasn't just because India became independent. We had harbored the desire for India's independence from the very beginning. Shukraraj Shastri had established ties with Mahatma Gandhi and Subhas Chandra Bose from the start of his political career in 1940. Many Nepalis were even members of the Indian National Congress. Some, like Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala, participated in the Indian independence movement. As a young man, when I was in Calcutta in 1936, I was eager to participate in the demonstrations there. In 1942, as a student at Lucknow University, I joined the Quit India Movement against the British Empire. On August 9 of that year, during a demonstration at Monkey Bridge (a bridge over the Gomati river outside the university campus), I was in the front row. I also participated in any action taken by my fellow university students.
So, we didn't just express our joy after India's independence; we considered it our duty to participate in the movement for its freedom.
It was during our celebration of India's independence that I first met Dharmaratna Yami and his daughter, Dharmadevi, as fellow prisoners at the Kathmandu police station.
A few days later, 12 of the 25 people arrested in Patan, along with Hiradevi and her daughter Dharmadevi, who were arrested in Kathmandu, were released. The courtyard of the police station where we were held was so filthy that people would urinate and defecate wherever they pleased. We all got together and cleaned the courtyard twice a day. We stayed at that police station for four months.
After four months, we were transferred to Bhadra jail. At the police station, we had been sick and bloated, but in jail, we slowly recovered. We were also freed from the hassle of constantly cleaning the filth.
Krishnagopal, Lieutenant, and Dwarikadas (Juju Bhai Dai), who were also arrested in Kathmandu, were with Dharmaratna Yami. In Bhadra jail, the three of them were a team. Two months after we were brought to Bhadra jail, we were released because Padma Shumsher was leaving Nepal for Ranchi. Since Tulsimehar was also with us when we were released, it can be said that Mahatma Gandhi's pressure had an impact.
For a long time after that, I lost contact with Yami. Around 1948, I took part in the Panchayat movement from Patan, and Yami took part from Kathmandu. When the struggle couldn't proceed, he went to India, but my friends had already sent me there before him. Some friends in Kathmandu sent me to India, saying I should join Subarna Shumsher's Nepal Prajatantra Congress. When I reached Raxaul, I saw that the Nepali National Congress, led by Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala, was nearby. Ganeshman Singh was the strategy in charge. The Nepali National Congress office was located in a cement building with a flag flying high. I saw that the Nepal Prajatantra Congress lacked a spirit of sacrifice, so I ignored what my Kathmandu friends had told me and entered the Nepali National Congress office. A few days later, I became a member of that party. Later, when my Kathmandu friends came, they fought with me, saying I had joined the Nepali National Congress instead of the Nepal Prajatantra Congress.
I don't know which party Dharmaratna Yami joined after he reached India. After staying for four months in Raxaul and other parts of India, the Nepali National Congress sent me to Kathmandu to organize. I had a friend with me. We had a total of four rupees. When we reached Kalimati, there was a huge storm, so we got off the bus and went into a small shack. We spent the night there and continued our journey early the next morning. When we reached Kathmandu, the first place we went was Dwarikadas's shop in Maru. Juju Bhai Dai took me to my friend Dharmaratna Yami's house. Yami was still in India at the time. Only his wife, Hiradevi, and his young children were at the house. During the time I had to live underground in that house, I got to know Hiradevi well. I saw her as a very brave woman, devoted to democracy. Despite her own financial hardships, she would somehow get food for me. At that time, many houses in Kathmandu did not have toilets. Even if they did, you had to go outside to urinate or defecate. It was very risky to go outside during the Rana period. For this reason, we had to do everything, from washing our faces to defecating, inside the house. Staying underground at that time didn't just mean hiding in a house; it was a difficult and troublesome task, along with being dangerous. A woman would probably only do such a thing for her own children... cleaning vomit, washing, etc. In fact, I lived underground in other people's houses later on, but the level of kindness I saw in her was very high. In some places, if you went into a room in the morning, you weren't allowed to urinate or defecate until dusk. But Hiradevi, with her firm belief in democracy, ignored all the dangers and trouble from the Ranas and did everything without complaining, just as a mother would for her children. I feel so indebted to her, a debt that I can never repay. For this reason, I don't see her just as the wife of my friend Dharmaratna Yami but as a fearless, brave woman with her own personality, a simple and sincere heart, and an unflinching belief in democracy. Even though the age difference between us wasn't huge, I look up to her like a mother. My respect for her as an elder sister, and my affection for her as a mother, will always remain. I saw in her the qualities of a selfless and brave mother.
I feel that the help she gave me was not just personal but was born from her feeling for democracy. And if someone else had been in my place, she would have given the same selfless help. She must have helped others similarly. For this reason, I remember her not just as a brave woman worthy of my respect, but as a heroic woman and a mother who deserves the respect of all democracy lovers.